술어 도치와 관계절의 도출
Predicate Displacement and the Derivation of Relative Clauses
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This paper focuses on the empirical hypothesis that a morphological Merge (affixation) triggers Internal Merge (movement) of a relevant constituent, and vice versa. For instance, relative clauses can be resulted from leftward movement of IP (Predicate Displacement) and a morphological derivation/insertion of relative pronoun (in English) or particle '-(nu)n' (in Korean), followed by the leftward extraction of head noun. This paper discusses the derivational procedure of relative clauses of English and Korean, in line with the idea of leftward movement of Kayne (1994). Language typological factors of N-final and N-first, and the distinction of DP or NP languages are also discussed in explaining the derivation of relative clauses. In this paper, we claim that null D0 or null C0 hypothesis applies to Korean, but only to superficial representations. In the base, the underlying configuration of DP or CP may induce External Merge of D0 or C0 in a form of [+definite] 'ku/ce/i' (that/this) or 'kes' (that) in Korean. Speaker's intention takes the optionality.
Abstract
This paper focuses on the empirical hypothesis that a morphological Merge (affixation) triggers Internal Merge (movement) of a relevant constituent, and vice versa. For instance, relative clauses can be resulted from leftward movement of IP (Predicate Displacement) and a morphological derivation/insertion of relative pronoun (in English) or particle '-(nu)n' (in Korean), followed by the leftward extraction of head noun. This paper discusses the derivational procedure of relative clauses of English and Korean, in line with the idea of leftward movement of Kayne (1994). Language typological factors of N-final and N-first, and the distinction of DP or NP languages are also discussed in explaining the derivation of relative clauses. In this paper, we claim that null D0 or null C0 hypothesis applies to Korean, but only to superficial representations. In the base, the underlying configuration of DP or CP may induce External Merge of D0 or C0 in a form of [+definite] 'ku/ce/i' (that/this) or 'kes' (that) in Korean. Speaker's intention takes the optionality.
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