No Internal Structure in pros: A Reply to Park (2012)
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This paper concerns itself with the constructions with null arguments. Despite a recent insightful proposal by Park (2012), we argue that pros are always DPs with no internal structure. Specifically, even when pros are referring to just an NP (that is, a smaller constituent than a full DP whatever we call it) in a correlate expression in a previous discourse, they are DPs in terms of syntactic distribution and behave as such. Other than showing evidence against internal structure of pros, we present another novel set of examples and solidify our original position that both pros and deletion operation are significant components of grammar to explain zero realization of arguments in Korean. In so doing, we revisit Park’s (2012) proposal and then point out problems with the view of attributing various interpretations of null arguments to structural ambiguity of pros. Instead, we argue that pros do not have an internal structure. Under this view, several interpretive possibilities are argued to come from various grammatical mechanisms available in the grammar. We argue that they include ellipsis followed by full or selective feature copying and pros with or without a linguistic antecedent. Finally, we classify nominals into those that, when not realized on the surface, need be given deletion operation and those that need be taken as an invisible counterpart of an overt pronoun, that is, a pro. In particular, zero realization of DPs with indefinite reference and elements lacking independent reference is explained by deletion followed by LF copying for the recovery of their contents.
Abstract
This paper concerns itself with the constructions with null arguments. Despite a recent insightful proposal by Park (2012), we argue that pros are always DPs with no internal structure. Specifically, even when pros are referring to just an NP (that is, a smaller constituent than a full DP whatever we call it) in a correlate expression in a previous discourse, they are DPs in terms of syntactic distribution and behave as such. Other than showing evidence against internal structure of pros, we present another novel set of examples and solidify our original position that both pros and deletion operation are significant components of grammar to explain zero realization of arguments in Korean. In so doing, we revisit Park’s (2012) proposal and then point out problems with the view of attributing various interpretations of null arguments to structural ambiguity of pros. Instead, we argue that pros do not have an internal structure. Under this view, several interpretive possibilities are argued to come from various grammatical mechanisms available in the grammar. We argue that they include ellipsis followed by full or selective feature copying and pros with or without a linguistic antecedent. Finally, we classify nominals into those that, when not realized on the surface, need be given deletion operation and those that need be taken as an invisible counterpart of an overt pronoun, that is, a pro. In particular, zero realization of DPs with indefinite reference and elements lacking independent reference is explained by deletion followed by LF copying for the recovery of their contents.
참고문헌 (36)
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