Some Restrictions on Multiple Remnants in Right Dislocation and Fragments
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Bum-Sik Park & Sei-Rang Oh. 2020. Some Restrictions on Multiple Remnants in Right Dislocation and Fragments. Korean Journal of Linguistics,45-1,97-117. This paper investigates certain retractions on multiple remnants in Right Dislocation (RD) and Fragments. In both constructions, multiple remnants (i.e., multiple appendices and multiple fragments) exhibit the effect of Clause-Mate Condition (CMC). In particular, when an adjunct remnant is associated with the embedded domain, it cannot appear with an additional remnant that is extracted from the matrix domain, giving rise to the CMC effect. Given the parallel patterns between RD and fragments, we put forward an ellipsis analysis. We suggest that the effect arises due to intricate interplay of ellipsis and the processing mechanism that demands that the parser choose an overt remnant over an elided NP when they compete for a potentially matching predicate (cf. Frazier and Fodor 1978; Bae and Park 2018). This accounts for why the CMC effect is absent when ellipsis does not take place. (Dongguk University & Gyeongsang National University)
Abstract
Bum-Sik Park & Sei-Rang Oh. 2020. Some Restrictions on Multiple Remnants in Right Dislocation and Fragments. Korean Journal of Linguistics,45-1,97-117. This paper investigates certain retractions on multiple remnants in Right Dislocation (RD) and Fragments. In both constructions, multiple remnants (i.e., multiple appendices and multiple fragments) exhibit the effect of Clause-Mate Condition (CMC). In particular, when an adjunct remnant is associated with the embedded domain, it cannot appear with an additional remnant that is extracted from the matrix domain, giving rise to the CMC effect. Given the parallel patterns between RD and fragments, we put forward an ellipsis analysis. We suggest that the effect arises due to intricate interplay of ellipsis and the processing mechanism that demands that the parser choose an overt remnant over an elided NP when they compete for a potentially matching predicate (cf. Frazier and Fodor 1978; Bae and Park 2018). This accounts for why the CMC effect is absent when ellipsis does not take place. (Dongguk University & Gyeongsang National University)
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