Cophonology and Morphological Doubling Theory in Bantu Verbal Reduplication
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Abstract
This paper aims to show that Morphological Doubling Theory (Inkelas & Zoll 2000) is much more adequate than Correspondence Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1995) in accounting for Bantu verbal reduplication. This proposal relies on the fact that Bantu languages cannot readily comply with three cross-linguistic tendencies―shape invariance, unmarkedness, and identity―proposed by Kager (1999), especially, unmarkedness. In Bantu reduplication, stem reduplication occurs more frequently than bisyllabic reduplication (Schadeberg 2003), as shown by examining the data from Chichewa (stem reduplication) as well as Ndebele (bisyllabic reduplication). This paper then argues that the two different reduplication patterns displayed in the two Bantu languages are well explained if it is accepted that reduplication is morphologically, but not phonologically, motivated and also that the reduplicant and the base are independent from each other in morphology, following Morphological Doubling Theory.
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