Quirky Subjects and Agreement: Agree! Once More
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Lee, Jaecheol. 2010. Quirky Subjects and Agreement: Agree! Once more. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 35-4, 1031-1051. This paper will show that the noun and verb of agreement languages such as English and Icelandic have their own independent distinct syntactic processes to determine their feature values with reference to quirky dative subject constructions. It will be claimed that the u[person] and the u[number] of the verb undergo individual probings to determine the verbal agreement values, while another late full-phi Agree is required to value the u[Case] of the noun. Agreement-less languages like Korean and Japanese do not have individual probing operations of the T except for the [person] probing for the honorification cases, so that they do not allow the agreement on the verb, but do the late full-phi Agree to determine the u[Case] of the noun alone. It will be argued that Case feature is distinct from phi-features in that Case feature cannot undergo the feature-copy procedure, unlike phi-features. (Daegu University)
Abstract
Lee, Jaecheol. 2010. Quirky Subjects and Agreement: Agree! Once more. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 35-4, 1031-1051. This paper will show that the noun and verb of agreement languages such as English and Icelandic have their own independent distinct syntactic processes to determine their feature values with reference to quirky dative subject constructions. It will be claimed that the u[person] and the u[number] of the verb undergo individual probings to determine the verbal agreement values, while another late full-phi Agree is required to value the u[Case] of the noun. Agreement-less languages like Korean and Japanese do not have individual probing operations of the T except for the [person] probing for the honorification cases, so that they do not allow the agreement on the verb, but do the late full-phi Agree to determine the u[Case] of the noun alone. It will be argued that Case feature is distinct from phi-features in that Case feature cannot undergo the feature-copy procedure, unlike phi-features. (Daegu University)
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