1980년대 프랑스 자동차 산업의 이주노동자와 신인종주의: 계급과 인종 사이
Class and race
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다운로드
3
인용
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참고문헌
키워드
초록
In France, workers’ insubordination which erupted into a general strike in 1968 has persisted in the beginning of 1980’s and unskilled workers (ouvriers spécialisés) always remained holder of this disobedience. A series of strikes which broke out in the French motor industry from 1982 to 1983 showed the continuity of workers’ insubordination. This labor dispute took place in the factories located in Paris suburbs such as Renault-Flin, Talbot- Poissy and Citroën-Aulay-sous-bois, in which migrant workers, mostly north African-born, were charged in simple and repetitive production tasks. These underprivileged workers in the vertical hi- erarchy initiated collective actions and vigorously participated in the movement in order to claim higher salaries and an improvement of their working conditions; and sometimes more religious liberty for Muslim practitioners. This situation reflects the new pattern of immigration flow beginning with Evian Accords signed in 1962 by France and FLN putting an end to Algerian war and promoting a cooperative exchange between two countries. In this respect, the rise of North African immigration has become evident in France and the demography of the immigration had a wider impact during the 1980’s. As the motor industry is considered as a window on the French society, these strikes generated important political discus- sions. This situation attracted public attention, because of a high social tension caused by poor working conditions and wage system which subordinates workers to a production system based on the scientific management. The more this event was broadcasted on television, the more it had an impact on French society, reveal - ing the double identity of strikers: unskilled workers and migrant workers from North Africa. Much as the impact of social tension, strikers were considered as foreign intimidators who threatened French culture and republican idea. By separating them from work- ing class and unity of unskilled workers, opponents of social conflict limited the range of these strikes to migrant workers from differ - ent cultures. Thus, this showed the development of “Neo-Racism” discourse in France during the 1980’s.
Abstract
In France, workers’ insubordination which erupted into a general strike in 1968 has persisted in the beginning of 1980’s and unskilled workers (ouvriers spécialisés) always remained holder of this disobedience. A series of strikes which broke out in the French motor industry from 1982 to 1983 showed the continuity of workers’ insubordination. This labor dispute took place in the factories located in Paris suburbs such as Renault-Flin, Talbot- Poissy and Citroën-Aulay-sous-bois, in which migrant workers, mostly north African-born, were charged in simple and repetitive production tasks. These underprivileged workers in the vertical hi- erarchy initiated collective actions and vigorously participated in the movement in order to claim higher salaries and an improvement of their working conditions; and sometimes more religious liberty for Muslim practitioners. This situation reflects the new pattern of immigration flow beginning with Evian Accords signed in 1962 by France and FLN putting an end to Algerian war and promoting a cooperative exchange between two countries. In this respect, the rise of North African immigration has become evident in France and the demography of the immigration had a wider impact during the 1980’s. As the motor industry is considered as a window on the French society, these strikes generated important political discus- sions. This situation attracted public attention, because of a high social tension caused by poor working conditions and wage system which subordinates workers to a production system based on the scientific management. The more this event was broadcasted on television, the more it had an impact on French society, reveal - ing the double identity of strikers: unskilled workers and migrant workers from North Africa. Much as the impact of social tension, strikers were considered as foreign intimidators who threatened French culture and republican idea. By separating them from work- ing class and unity of unskilled workers, opponents of social conflict limited the range of these strikes to migrant workers from differ - ent cultures. Thus, this showed the development of “Neo-Racism” discourse in France during the 1980’s.
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