Ordering Constraints on Pronominal Clitics in Czech Ditransitive Constructions
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The universal sequence of pronominal clitics in DAT > ACC is found in many languages. This constraint governs the internal ordering of a Czech clitic cluster as well. However the recent restriction on the clitic ordering in ditransitive constructions, 'Person-Case Constraint' collides, to some extent, with the traditional acceptance of the sequence DAT > ACC. The constraint generated to properly explain the ordering of weak pronouns in Romance languages is assumed that Czech exhibits this constraint. The analysis of all the possible combinations of Czech clitics in Dative and Accusative case with all grammatical Persons says that in most cases, Czech violates this constraint even though it also displays Person-Case Constraint-like effect if clitics are combined in the set of {SEMI, SEMI}, or {PURE, SEMI}/{SEMI, PURE}. The pure-clitic combination and clitic climbing do not allow the alternative ordering ACC > DAT by ‘Repair Strategy’. Person-Case Constraint is not assumed to be a strict universal constraint. It is only as a preference rather than a universally inviolable constraint, which may or may not be reflected in a given language.
Abstract
The universal sequence of pronominal clitics in DAT > ACC is found in many languages. This constraint governs the internal ordering of a Czech clitic cluster as well. However the recent restriction on the clitic ordering in ditransitive constructions, 'Person-Case Constraint' collides, to some extent, with the traditional acceptance of the sequence DAT > ACC. The constraint generated to properly explain the ordering of weak pronouns in Romance languages is assumed that Czech exhibits this constraint. The analysis of all the possible combinations of Czech clitics in Dative and Accusative case with all grammatical Persons says that in most cases, Czech violates this constraint even though it also displays Person-Case Constraint-like effect if clitics are combined in the set of {SEMI, SEMI}, or {PURE, SEMI}/{SEMI, PURE}. The pure-clitic combination and clitic climbing do not allow the alternative ordering ACC > DAT by ‘Repair Strategy’. Person-Case Constraint is not assumed to be a strict universal constraint. It is only as a preference rather than a universally inviolable constraint, which may or may not be reflected in a given language.
참고문헌 (15)
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