Possessor-Raising in Existential Constructions
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Abstract
We argue that the possessor base-generated within the nominal projection (i.e., the DP) of the theme/possessee undergoes possessor-raising to the position [SPEC, T] in the Korean existential construction. This is in part similar to Muromatsu (1997), Szabolcsi (1994), and Tsujioka (2001), but different in some ways. This paper concerns why, like this, the specified possessor must be extracted out of the theme DP in the existential construction and how it can move to the position [SPEC, T], taking a minimalist approach (Chomsky 1995, 2000). The definite theme of the existential verb iss 'be' (i.e., the verb corresponding to the English copula) triggers definiteness effect. Following Herburger's (1997) and Tsujioka's (2001) suggestion that the possessor-raising is motivated by D-raising out of the theme DP, we claim that the D head of the theme argument raises to V, and subsequently to T in the Korean existential construction. If the theme contains a specified possessor in the existential construction, the successive raising of D to V to T renders the possessor accessible to T's attraction. In this vein, we claim that the possessor-raising to the subject position in the Korean existential construction is motivated by the EPP-feature on T.
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