Raising across Experiencers in English
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Abstract
This paper attempts to provide an account of a puzzle arising from subject raising across the experiencer in English. The puzzle is that the experiencer interrupts agreement between the matrix T and the associate in there constructions, whereas it does not between the matrix T and the subject undergoing overt movement. This paper will critically review Stepanov's (2001) approach, which regards the experiencer as an adjunct capable of being merged late, and Boeckx's (2000) approach, which takes the experiencers to be V-oriented in English (i.e., it has the object-like status). This paper will argue that the additional structural u[Case] that is allowed on the experiencer in the sense of Chomsky (1998) may be implicit or potential, which plays a part in reactivating the ϕ-features of the experiencer only at the point of a derivation where the probe with a [+multiple] property emerges. This proposal can explain why in English there constructions, the probe in the matrix T can enter first into Agree with the experiencer, and then the T is realized as the default agreement (3rd singular) in accordance with the Person-Case Constraint (PCC; Bonet 1994, Boeckx 2000).
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