초점, 일치, 이동 및 C-T 의존관계
Focus, Agreement, Movement and C-T Dependency
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초록
This paper critically reviews the recent claim by Miyagawa (2004, 2005) that ideally focus and agreement are actually two different surface values of a single parameter. In fact, he claims that in agreement-less languages, focus plays a virtually identical role to agreement. To be concrete, in Korean and Japanese, EPP on T picks up a DP with the focus feature and raises it up to Spec-TP; in English, EPP on T picks up an XP and raises it up to Spect-TP. This paper argues that his claim is too strong to be empirically supported. Differently from his claim, this paper argues that C-T dependency in agreement movement is EPP-driven, while other non-agreement-driven movements like wh-movement, focus movement, and scrambling are EF(Edge Feature)-driven.
Abstract
This paper critically reviews the recent claim by Miyagawa (2004, 2005) that ideally focus and agreement are actually two different surface values of a single parameter. In fact, he claims that in agreement-less languages, focus plays a virtually identical role to agreement. To be concrete, in Korean and Japanese, EPP on T picks up a DP with the focus feature and raises it up to Spec-TP; in English, EPP on T picks up an XP and raises it up to Spect-TP. This paper argues that his claim is too strong to be empirically supported. Differently from his claim, this paper argues that C-T dependency in agreement movement is EPP-driven, while other non-agreement-driven movements like wh-movement, focus movement, and scrambling are EF(Edge Feature)-driven.
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