The Definiteness Effect in Expletive there-Constructions from the Perspective of Semantic Interpretation
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Abstract
The purpose of the paper is to explain why universal quantified nominals cannot be qualified as associate of the expletive there. The argument begins with the explication of why the indefinite nominal associate cannot take a wide scope reading in the expletive there-constructions. It will be first shown that the formula with the wide scope of the existential quantifier operator yields a definite interpretation just as the definite nominal associate does in an expletive there-sentence. Therefore, the wide scope reading of the indefinite nominal associate cannot be acceptable due to the definiteness effect. Likewise the unavailability of universal quantified nominals as associate can be accounted for by the same reason, namely, the definiteness effect on the basis of the semantic interpretation. It will be concluded that the definiteness effect is the only constraint working on various types of unacceptable associates in the expletive there-constructions.
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