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Antecedent-Ellipsis Mismatch in the Resolution of Noun Phrase Ellipsis: Results from Eye-Tracking While Reading

김나연|Michael Frazier
담화·인지언어학회 (The Discourse and Cognitive Linguistics Society of Korea)|2023.11|담화와 인지 (Discourse and Cognition)|제30권 제4호|pp. 29-54

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참고문헌

키워드

ellipsis resolutioneye-tracking while reading experimentstrict/sloppy identity effectsvehicle changeantecedent retrieval
주제분류언어학

초록

The understanding of elliptical constructions, in which material not present in the phonological or written form of a sentence is nonetheless present in its interpretation, presents a number of challenges for the sentence processing system. Specifically, upon identifying a Noun Phrase Ellipsis construction, readers must identify the antecedent in the memory and retrieve its contents (Kim, Brehm, and Yoshida 2019, Kim and Frazier 2023). In this study, based on Kim and Frazier (2023), we investigated the time-course of elliptical dependency resolution with strict/sloppy identity ambiguity using an eye-tracking while reading experiment, to distinguish what is retrieved in antecedent retrieval at earlier from later stages in processing and how retrieval proceeds. Our results revealed that the strict identity interpretation is preferred at initial stages of processing, indicating that coreference information is retrieved from memory (Kim and Frazier 2023). However, the sloppy identity interpretation shows clear signs of being entertained in later eye-tracking measures as well as in later regions, suggesting that coreference information is temporally prioritized over morphological cues in cue-based retrieval system of content-addressable memory access (Lewis, Vasishth, and Van Dyke 2006; Martin and McElree 2008, 2011). Our result supports Kim and Frazier’s (2023) overall conclusions regarding the parser’s prioritization and the representational content it can access in antecedent retrieval, and extends this finding to later stages of antecedent-ellipsis integration, when information accessible to the parser less rapidly can be integrated into the ongoing parse.

Abstract

The understanding of elliptical constructions, in which material not present in the phonological or written form of a sentence is nonetheless present in its interpretation, presents a number of challenges for the sentence processing system. Specifically, upon identifying a Noun Phrase Ellipsis construction, readers must identify the antecedent in the memory and retrieve its contents (Kim, Brehm, and Yoshida 2019, Kim and Frazier 2023). In this study, based on Kim and Frazier (2023), we investigated the time-course of elliptical dependency resolution with strict/sloppy identity ambiguity using an eye-tracking while reading experiment, to distinguish what is retrieved in antecedent retrieval at earlier from later stages in processing and how retrieval proceeds. Our results revealed that the strict identity interpretation is preferred at initial stages of processing, indicating that coreference information is retrieved from memory (Kim and Frazier 2023). However, the sloppy identity interpretation shows clear signs of being entertained in later eye-tracking measures as well as in later regions, suggesting that coreference information is temporally prioritized over morphological cues in cue-based retrieval system of content-addressable memory access (Lewis, Vasishth, and Van Dyke 2006; Martin and McElree 2008, 2011). Our result supports Kim and Frazier’s (2023) overall conclusions regarding the parser’s prioritization and the representational content it can access in antecedent retrieval, and extends this finding to later stages of antecedent-ellipsis integration, when information accessible to the parser less rapidly can be integrated into the ongoing parse.

참고문헌 (58)

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