Stop Consonant Excrescence in English and Dutch
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In modern day English, a consonant, mainly a stop plosive, is embedded between two consonants in a cluster for ease of the articulation. Interestingly, in a specific context where a nasal is abutting with an obstruent within or across a morpheme boundary, a homorganic stop is intervened between them, resulting in [mp], [nt] and [ŋk] when the obstruent preceded by a nasal is voiceless. However, when voiced, a voiced stop is added, instead. Here what noticed is that the inserted segment is only a stop plosive and, further, feature agreement takes place in both place and voice. Homorganicity of the added stop stems from the preceding nasal sound while voicing from the following obstruent, a stop plosive or a buccal fricative. Unlike Warner’s (2002) LCC-based account for the stop intrusion of Dutch under Parallel OT, a phonotactic constraint *NCFric bans any sequence of a nasal followed by a fricative on the surface. In addition, feature agreement constraints dominating place and voice require the inserted stop share the same place and voice with its neighboring sounds. Given the fact that a stop plosive is only a beneficiary among others in this specific context, Dep-Seg[Cont] disfavors a segment holding a continuant characteristic such as vowels, fricatives and approximants. These constraints and their interaction provide a unified analysis on stop excrescence in English as well as Dutch with no analytic chaos.
Abstract
In modern day English, a consonant, mainly a stop plosive, is embedded between two consonants in a cluster for ease of the articulation. Interestingly, in a specific context where a nasal is abutting with an obstruent within or across a morpheme boundary, a homorganic stop is intervened between them, resulting in [mp], [nt] and [ŋk] when the obstruent preceded by a nasal is voiceless. However, when voiced, a voiced stop is added, instead. Here what noticed is that the inserted segment is only a stop plosive and, further, feature agreement takes place in both place and voice. Homorganicity of the added stop stems from the preceding nasal sound while voicing from the following obstruent, a stop plosive or a buccal fricative. Unlike Warner’s (2002) LCC-based account for the stop intrusion of Dutch under Parallel OT, a phonotactic constraint *NCFric bans any sequence of a nasal followed by a fricative on the surface. In addition, feature agreement constraints dominating place and voice require the inserted stop share the same place and voice with its neighboring sounds. Given the fact that a stop plosive is only a beneficiary among others in this specific context, Dep-Seg[Cont] disfavors a segment holding a continuant characteristic such as vowels, fricatives and approximants. These constraints and their interaction provide a unified analysis on stop excrescence in English as well as Dutch with no analytic chaos.
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